Posted: November 6, 1993


                  Q METHODOLOGY AND QUANTUM THEORY:
                       ANALOGIES AND REALITIES

                           Steven R. Brown
                        Kent State University


  +---------------------------------------------------------------+
  |                                                               |
  |     Abstract:  Quantum theory was developed  in  physics  in  |
  |  the  1920s  and  '30s, has become increasingly popular as a  |
  |  way of characterizing all manner of human  behaviors,  from  |
  |  deep  psychotherapy to organizations, but in most instances  |
  |  the  key  concepts  (e.g.,  complementarity,   uncertainty,  |
  |  chaos)  have served as analogies only.  Q methodology is in  |
  |  striking parallel with quantum theory, but the similarities  |
  |  are not analogical; rather, they are based on actual  meas-  |
  |  urements and virtually identical mathematics.  The similar-  |
  |  ities  between the two are explored in terms of data from a  |
  |  study on national identity.                                  |
  |                                                               |
  +---------------------------------------------------------------+



                         The Quantum Analogy

  Once Einstein's theories began penetrating the public's  thought,
  they were extended by analogy to human activity -- as in cultural
  relativity,  value  relativity, and so forth -- so that in virtu-
  ally all matters nowadays anyone's point of  view  is  considered
  just  as  valid as anyone else's, and this implicates even scien-
  tific theories (with obligatory bows to Thomas Kuhn).  Some  ver-
  sions   of   postmodernism  have  been  especially  receptive  to
  relativism, with all manner of things  being  considered  textual
  and  no  textual interpretation being regarded as privileged over
  any other.  Now that quantum theory has reached  popular  levels,
  however,  terms  such as paradoxical, indeterminant, chaotic, and
  complementary are appearing with greater frequency  and  are  in-
  creasingly nominated as descriptors of choice.
      Consequently,  the  race  is now on to determine just how far
  this quantum principle can be taken into human reality.   Person-
  ality,  for  example,  is being conceived less as a collection of
  stable structures (e.g., attitudes, memories) than "as  momentary
  forms  of  interacting  processes,  transient  and insubstantial"
  (Claxton,  1979, p. 417); consciousness is regarded as subject to
  the quantum principles of  the  particles  comprising  the  brain
  (Wolf,  1984,  1985); the self is said to be quantum-like (Zohar,
  1990),  as  are  political  values  (Rasmussen,  1987)  and   law
  (Eisenberg,  1992; Milovanovic, in press; Tribe, 1989).  Even the
  humanities have not gone untouched, hence  the  quantum  elements
  said  to be in Joyce (Bohnenkamp, 1989; Booker, 1990; Overstreet,
  1980) and Derrida (Froula, 1985).
      What characterizes the above efforts in virtually every  case
  is  that  quantum  theory  is drawn upon as a metaphor or analogy
  which is then superimposed on the phenomenon of interest.    This
  is  ofttimes  done  purposefully,  as  when Booker (1990, p. 581)
  notes "the overall similarity between the way Joyce uses language
  and the way modern physicists use mathematics," but in  too  many
  other  cases  the  analogy  assumes  an unwarranted concreteness.
  This was of concern to Popper (1981), who warned of the  ideolog-
  ical  features  of  quantum  theory,  of  its  tendency to become
  fashionable, and, apart from its scientific  importance,  of  the
  subjectivist  interpretations  which  it promoted in an effort to
  outdo the Einsteinian revolution, but which in reality  stand  in
  the way of scientific progress.
      These  matters  are  brought to bear on Q methodology through
  Morstyn's (1989) critique of Freudian  psychodynamic  models  ap-
  plied  to  deep psychotherapy.  Morstyn accepts the applicability
  of Freudian theory to certain psychic depths, but he says that at
  some level the Newtonianism of Freud has to give way  to  quantum
  theory;(1) yet efforts to link quantum theory to the study of the
  mind have proven unsatisfactory:  In the first  place,  according
  to  Morstyn,  tying  brain biology directly to quantum effects is
  not genuinely metaphorical in the same sense as Freud was; in the
  second place, the counterintuitive nature of quantum  theory  has
  been  used  to  justify mysticism and religious doctrine.  On the
  other hand, Morstyn continues,

      ...some investigators  have  borrowed  metaphors  derived
      from  quantum physics such as complementarity [22-25] and
      quantum uncertainty [26] to investigate problems in  psy-
      chology  and psychotherapy.  However the major conceptual
      issue of depth has been ignored. (p. 485, brackets in or-
      iginal)

      We  will return to the matter of depth subsequently.  For the
  moment,  however,  it  is  important  to  point  out  that  among
  Morstyn's  numbered  references  (in  brackets  above) are two by
  William Stephenson (1986a, 1986b), being parts I and  II  of  his
  five-part   series   on   "William   James,   Niels   Bohr,   and
  Complementarity," which are lumped in with the analogical efforts
  of others.
      But Stephenson made it quite clear that Q methodology's  con-
  nection  to  quantum  theory was more than an analogy.  In one of
  his last publications, he reflected on  the  differences  between
  himself  and  Cyril  Burt,  who  conceived  of factor analysis as
  mainly a logical method:  "in my view [Burt (1940, p. 94)  said],
  we  should  think  of  factor-analysis as a logical method rather
  than as a mathematical method," i.e.,  as  a  method  of  logical
  classification.  Stephenson's view was different from the start:

         I  had been trained in physics in the early 1920s, and
      for good reasons proposed that if quantum theory  had  to
      apply  to  psychology,  it must do so on its own grounds,
      and  not  with   purely   analogic   ties   to   physics.
      (Stephenson, 1988b, p. 180; cf. Stephenson, 1981)

  Even  in  the early 1980s, when he returned to this topic after a
  40 year hiatus and first began  giving  it  sustained  attention,
  Stephenson  made  clear that what he was suggesting was something
  more substantial than an analogy:  the operating principle behind
  all that he had done -- communication theory,  concourse  theory,
  the  operantcy  of  factors, a solution to Newton's Fifth Rule --
  had been "to make tangible what had previously been mainly an ex-
  citing analogy between physics and psychology" (Stephenson, 1981,
  p. 132).   And in one of  his  final  publications,  he  remained
  equally unequivocal:

         The  present  author introduced a new statistic, a new
      "probabilistic" called Q-technique, in 1935, which corre-
      sponded to that upon which quantum  theory  is  based...,
      and  continued thereafter to bring quantum theory to bear
      upon psychology, not as speculation and analogy,  but  by
      force  of  experiment and determination of phenomena par-
      ticular to psychology. (Stephenson, 1988/1989, p. 2)

      The key, as we shall see,  is  to  be  found  in  measurement
  (i.e.,  factor  theory),  which,  in the mathematics involved, is
  virtually identical in both quantum theory and factor analysis --
  not metaphorically, but computationally, a fact on which Burt and
  Stephenson were in agreement, and which Rummel  (1991)  has  more
  recently  noticed.  Complementarity in physics is not a metaphor,
  but solely a function of measurement, and the same is true  in  Q
  methodology.
      Beyond  measurement, there is a "remarkable parallel" between
  quantum theory and Q methodology, which, were it not for measure-
  ment, would relegate Q to the  rank  of  just  another  "striking
  analogy,"  as  Bohr (1950) himself referred to psychology and the
  complementary relationship between thought and sentiment.    What
  enables  Q  methodology  to  avoid becoming just another analogy,
  therefore, and to stand on its own in a class by itself,  is  the
  possibility  of measurement and the hundreds of experiments which
  measurement makes possible.  (Q and R are  distinguished  not  by
  their computations, but in terms of what is to be measured.)
      The  purpose  of  the remainder of this paper is to elaborate
  these points, primarily by reasserting what  Stephenson  has  al-
  ready said, fortified by yet another experimental demonstration.


                 Substantive and Transitive Thought

  Stephenson  begins  his five-part series on "William James, Niels
  Bohr, and Complementarity" (Psychological Record,  1986-1988)  by
  distinguishing  between  substantive and transitive thought.  The
  distinction was made by William James, in both his Principles  of
  Psychology (1890, p. 243) and in his "briefer course," Psychology
  (1892,  p. 160).  Like the "alternation of flights and perchings"
  that constitute the behavior of birds,  so  thought  consists  of
  flights and perchings:  "Let us call the resting-places the 'sub-
  stantive  parts,'"  said James (1892, p. 160), "and the places of
  flight the 'transitive parts,' of the stream of thought."   Hence
  the  goal  or  end-point of thought is a substantive idea or con-
  cept, something which achieves a degree of fixity  or  constancy,
  although it may always retain a "fringe" of meaning, as when "I'm
  sorry"  is  said to a judge, a priest, one's spouse, or the boss.
  But there are gaps between substantive thoughts, as there are en-
  ergy gaps in quantum physics, and these gaps  are  not  void  but
  "intensely active" (James, 1890, p. 251), as when we are struggl-
  ing to remember a name that temporarily eludes us.  Despite gaps,
  thought  is  not  fragmented,  but continuous, just as a stalk of
  bamboo is continuous even though it contains joints (James, 1890,
  p. 240): joints are part  of  the  bamboo,  and  substantive  and
  transitory similarly refer to the two distinguishable features of
  thought.
      We  may  take  as  illustrative a recent inquiry into what it
  means to say "I am an American," and into the feelings associated
  with these meanings.  This query was made of various citizens  in
  the  wake  of Operation Desert Storm, when American sentiment was
  riding high, and it was introduced into a seminar on  comparative
  national psychology as a device for distinguishing what is objec-
  tive  about a people (e.g., "I am an American") from what is sub-
  jective (e.g., "What thoughts and feelings arise when you hear 'I
  am an American'?").  Ten persons were interviewed in  depth,  and
  were  encouraged  to  respond  freely to the above, with whatever
  came to mind.  Snippets from one of the interviews provide a fla-
  vor of the kind of material that was produced:

         I think of yellow ribbons and red, white, and blue....
      I think of all the freedoms we have, democracy, voting --
      all the things we're taught in school....   I don't  have
      really  deep  feelings....    I obey laws and vote, but I
      don't feel patriotic....  I don't think I  would  partic-
      ipate  in  a  war....    We're  privileged  in a material
      sense....  We're a lot better off, and I like that....  I
      wouldn't trade places with anyone else....  I wish others
      could be as well off as we are....  I don't feel  haughty
      or  arrogant....   There are lots of things I'm not proud
      of....  I'm not emotional about it, but I prefer this  to
      alternatives....    The  depth  of  my  feeling surprises
      me....  I'm not proud of the homeless, the status of  mi-
      norities,  the poor....   The legal system doesn't always
      work.... (etc.)

  In Q methodology, such a collection of communicability is, as  we
  know,  referred  to  as  a  concourse (Stephenson, 1978), and its
  character under free-floating, unrehearsed conditions such as the
  above is primarily transitive: it is flighty, largely  unpredict-
  able,  spontaneous;  no  one knows what the person will say next,
  not even the person herself (in the above case).  This has  noth-
  ing  to do with metaphysics or mysticism or logic, but is brutely
  empirical -- i.e., the  concourse  is  a  purely  empirical  col-
  lection;  it  is nevertheless "perhaps the most important concept
  in the methodology" (Stephenson, 1980a, p. 99).
      This particular stream of subjectivity begins stereotypically
  ("yellow ribbons"), perhaps influenced by Desert Storm;  then  on
  to  more  substantial  but still elementary thoughts ("democracy,
  voting"); but then a hiatus -- a gap -- and the introduction of a
  new thought ("I  don't  have  really  deep  feelings"),  followed
  quickly by a justification ("I obey laws ... but I don't feel pa-
  triotic").  The balance is then reasserted ("We're privileged....
  I  wish others could be as well off"); but then, as if in need of
  another correction, "I don't feel haughty," followed  by  an  ac-
  knowledgement of deficits ("...things I'm not proud of").  Then a
  paradox  (given the previous assertion of lack of feelings), that
  "the depth of my feeling surprises me."
      Such are the flights and perchings of transitive and substan-
  tive thought.   Stephenson (1991a,  1991b)  has  clearly  distin-
  guished these in Joyce's Ulysses and Finnegans Wake, and we catch
  a glimpse of this distinction as well in John Donne's The Flea:

            Oh stay, three lives in one flea spare,
            Where wee almost, yea more than maryed are.

  Here,  Donne  is  appealing  to his lover not to kill a flea that
  contains the blood of all three of them, and  when  he  initially
  tries to use the flea as an analogy for "almost" being married, a
  stronger  thought  spontaneously  imposes  itself, at which point
  "more than" supersedes "almost": "...yea  more"  is  like  James'
  bamboo joint, which is different from the rest of the words while
  being related to them.
      Transitive  thought is the raw material of Q methodology, and
  it is the source of innovation and creativity in human life -- of
  poetry, of psychoanalytic free associations, of solutions to pol-
  icy problems, etc.  For experimental purposes, however,  we  only
  require a sample of it, and this necessitates falling back on the
  artificial  dimensionality of substantive thought.  For this par-
  ticular project, the conceptual framework consisted of principles
  drawn from  the  personality-and-culture  literature  --  specif-
  ically, from Erikson's (1963) theory of psychosocial development.
  Statements were therefore categorized as follows:

      I feel lucky, comfortable, and very safe. (basic trust)

      I have no faith in the government. (basic mistrust)

      I feel free to move about from place to place. (autonomy)

      There are lots of things I'm not proud of. (shame, doubt)

  And so on for Erikson's first five  stages.(2)  These  categories
  are of little direct interest ultimately: they provide the scien-
  tist with the opportunity to be conceptually explicit and to pos-
  tulate  a  starting  point, but the "fringe of meaning" which the
  words and phrases carry prevent them from being categorized  with
  certainty,  which  is  why  factor analysis takes precedence over
  variance analysis in the analysis of Q-technique data.


                    From Ground State to Meaning

  Stephenson (1980b) has repeatedly stated that "all statements  of
  a concourse are considered to be equipotential and equipossible a
  priori"  (p.  9), by which is meant that the volume of subjective
  communicability carries no inherent significance or meaning  with
  it  into  the  Q-sorting  situation.   This absence of meaning is
  equivalent to the ground state of  particle  physics,  i.e.,  the
  lowest  state  of energy: We cannot know in advance what the sig-
  nificance of each statement will be until the  condition  of  in-
  struction  is  given  and  the  statements  are compared with one
  another in light of it.  In short, operations must precede  mean-
  ing, the latter emerging from the former.(3)
      What this  involves  can  be  illustrated  in  terms  of  the
  concourse  which  was gathered in reaction to the declarative, "I
  am an American."  The resulting Q sort was administered  to  more
  than two dozen individuals, and three factors resulted (A, B, C).
  What  was  "equipotential and equipossible a priori" is therefore
  replaced by three definite points of view about what it means  to
  be an American.
      As  would  be expected, one of the factors (factor A) repres-
  ented an idealization of America, as is readily apparent in those
  statements which received higher scores in this  factor  than  in
  the other two:

         I'm  dedicated  to  what the country stands for....  I
      can reach my potential; the only limits are ones  I  give
      myself....    Individuals  can  decide  their  own desti-
      nies....  We have made this the richest  country  in  the
      world.

  Factor A has obviously attached its self to the political system,
  which  is  positively valorized.  On the other hand, factor B ap-
  pears deeply troubled about the course of the nation, as shown in
  the following positively assessed statements:

         I'm ashamed that we are not doing enough  to  try  and
      solve  social problems....   There are lots of things I'm
      not proud of....  Our public values are disappointing.

  It is to be noted that factor B, in  agreement  with  A,  asserts
  that  "I  feel  lucky,  comfortable,  and very safe," and that "I
  wouldn't trade places with anyone  else,"  and  so  B  apparently
  feels advantaged by virtue of membership in the political system:
  it  is for others -- the homeless, the poor, the elderly, the un-
  healthy -- that B's heart goes out and that  gives  rise  to  B's
  shame.
      Rather  than  pride  or shame, factor C expresses fear -- for
  self, for the future, and for the young:

         Crime is getting out of control....    Younger  people
      don't seem to have the same motivation and work ethic....
      It's a wasteland for our youth....  I'm concerned for the
      future.

  The  contents of a concourse are recognized and understood (if in
  diverse ways) by all who are fully participant in a  culture,  so
  that  there  is  hardly  anyone in the United States who wouldn't
  comprehend the statements above: they are in the lingua franca of
  the  society,  a  matter  of  consciring  and  shared   knowledge
  (Stephenson, 1980b).  The factors, however, are rooted in feeling
  -- of national pride, guilt, apprehension, and no doubt others --
  and it is feeling that supplants the initial equipotentiality and
  leaves  the  imprint of meaning on the ordering of the statements
  in the Q sort.


             Uncertainty and Collapse of the Wave Packet

  The "striking parallel" between quantum theory and Q  methodology
  is  best  illustrated  in  the context of a single-case study, as
  when one of the subjects from the previous factors  is  asked  to
  operate with the same Q sample under multiple experimental condi-
  tions.  Scheibe (1983) asks, "What determines the manner in which
  personal  destiny and national destiny are intertwined?" and this
  query gives rise  to  the  following  conditions  of  instruction
  (among other possibilities):

      Self:     What is your own view about America?
      Ideal:    What would an ideal society be like?
      American: What outlook do Americans have in general?
      Media:    What  is  the view of America transmitted through
                the media?
      Others:   How do others (outside America) view us?
      Future:   What will my view of America  be  25  years  from
                now?

  There  are good reasons for asking for all of these perspectives.
  We naturally wish to incorporate the vantagepoint of the observer
  (self), which is central to both special relativity and  the  un-
  certainty  principle (Cassidy, 1992) as well as to Q methodology.
  Knowledge of what the viewer regards as ideal permits us  to  as-
  sess the impact of yearnings and of the observer's degree of com-
  fort  with the existing state of affairs, i.e., of the observer's
  adjustment (Rogers' Law) to the system.  Related to the above  is
  the  extent  to  which the observer feels a part of, or alienated
  from the rest of society (Americans).  The media condition is  of
  course designed to direct attention to the popular culture and to
  the messages that the observer receives from the "inner space" of
  society.    Similarly,  others draws attention to the voices from
  "outer space," and to international perspectives (as seen by  the
  self).  Finally, "America 25 years from now" (future) is designed
  to  bring  the  future  into  the "specious present" (Stephenson,
  1988a).(4)
      Quantum theory ended for all time the bifurcation of measure-
  ment and thing-measured, or between knower and known, and this is
  particularly salient in Q methodology under conditions of  multi-
  ple performances by the same person.  Conversation between two or
  more  individuals  will usually involve a relatively greater pro-
  portion of substantive talk -- unless the relationship is one (as
  in psychoanalysis) in which normal conventions do not pertain  --
  but  the  individual,  in relative isolation, is apt to engage in
  transitive thinking to a far greater degree.  And to  the  extent
  that  the person is involved in self-observation (i.e., "measure-
  ment," as in Q sorting), complementarity will be more  prominent.
  As Stephenson (1986b) has said:

         Where  phenomena  involve  the  observer as in quantum
      theory,  the  concern  is  inevitably   with   transitive
      thought,  and ultimately with self-referentiality, and it
      is here that complementarity is sovereign. (p. 541)

      Consider an individual associated with factor A  above  (with
  loadings  of  0.59,  0.32,  and  -0.06 on factors A to C, respec-
  tively).  The six Q sorts provided by Mr.  A  (when  factor  ana-
  lyzed)  produced  two  factors,  A1  and A2, each well defined in
  simple structure, as follows:

      Factor A1: self, ideal, others, future
      Factor A2: Americans, media

  It  is  in terms of the mathematics of factor analysis that Q and
  quantum theory dovetail, and almost exactly so.  The  mathematics
  are  the same, too, in R factor analysis, but what differentiates
  Q from R is the phenomenon measured: Q measures states  of  mind,
  as  when  a  person  represents  (in  a Q sort) the way he or she
  thinks about something (e.g., myself, my country, etc.).  R, how-
  ever, measures variables in states (Stephenson, 1982, p. 237), so
  that Miller and Friesen's (1984)  "quantum"  study  of  organiza-
  tions,  despite  the  use  of "Q factor analysis," remains in the
  Newtonian, and far from the quantum-theoretical mode.(5)
      The  factor  analysis  points  to  a basic segregation in A's
  "mind," as if his mind possessed a preexistent  "structure  ready
  for   assimilation   to   various   conditions   of  instruction"
  (Stephenson, 1986c, p. 23).  Factor A1 is the person's  self  and
  ideal -- see the conditions of instruction (supra) -- which veri-
  fies the idealization noted previously.  That others (outside the
  U.S.)  also  see  us in this way indicates that everyone looks up
  to, and idealizes us (i.e., as A sees it).  The highest  positive
  statements reiterate the earlier idealization:

         I  feel  lucky, comfortable, and very safe....  We can
      practice our chosen religions and not  be  persecuted....
      I can reach my potential; the only limits are ones I give
      myself.

      Mr. A's feeling of national pride is therefore projected onto
  the otherwise meaningless statement sample, and this produces the
  statistical  distribution (from +4 to -4 in a quasinormal curve).
  "It is at this point," Stephenson (1982) says, "that Q and  quan-
  tum theory coincide":

         Quantum  theory in physics begins with a Hilbert-space
      vector and provides a probability distribution; in Q  the
      same  holds.   The Q-sorter projects probability distrib-
      utions upon an otherwise undifferentiated concourse.   It
      is achieved because of lawful conditions..., imposed upon
      situations  by the conditions of instruction for Q-sorts,
      comparable  to  the  projections  of  vectors  upon   the
      eigenvektorens of operators in quantum theory. (p. 238)

  In  sum,  the  statements  in  the Q sample are initially without
  salience: they are equipotential in the same way that probability
  is spread out in a wave function in  particle  physics,  and  the
  factor  A1 or A2 responses likewise remain potential -- i.e., un-
  til a condition of instruction is given  and  a  measurement  (Q-
  sorting  operation)  is  made,  at  which  point what was moments
  earlier "dispersed sentience is  suddenly  concentrated"  (Brown,
  1988,  p.  192),  which is comparable to the collapse of the wave
  packet in physics: one event assumes a probability of 1.00  while
  others  become  0.00.    The Q sorter is the linear operator that
  produces the Q sort.


               Interpretation and Interference Effects

  Mr. A's performances resulted in two factors (A1, A2), but Ms.  B
  displays an even more diverse segmentation:

      Factor B1  self
      Factor B2  ideal, Americans, others
      Factor B3  future
      Factor B4  media

  Ms.  B was among those defining the shame factor above, and so it
  is not surprising to see her self on  one  factor  (B1)  and  her
  ideal  on another (B2): how she currently feels about her country
  is at odds with how she would like for her country to be ideally,
  and these different feelings have produced different factors.
      In quantum physics, light has a "split personality"  (Horgan,
  1992)  --  the  photons which given rise to electromagnetic radi-
  ation behave like waves or particles depending  on  the  measure-
  ments  taken  --  and  the  classic  wave  experiment consists of
  permitting light to pass through two slits.  This two-slit exper-
  iment results in alternating dark and light patterns being regis-
  tered on a screen, which is evidence of wave  interference,  much
  as  occurs  when boats moving in opposite directions create waves
  that run into each other.
      There is a comparable phenomenon in Q methodology.  B's  seg-
  regation  condenses  around  feelings of shame (factor B1, self),
  pride (factor B2, ideal, other Americans),  apathy  (B3,  future)
  and  apprehension (B4, media).  Consider representative responses
  of the first three:

   +4 0 -3   (a) I'm ashamed that we are not doing  enough  to  try
             and solve social problems.

   -1+4 -2   (b)  We  have  opportunities  others don't -- e.g., to
             speak for or against the government.

    0-3 +3   (c)  I  may obey laws and vote, but I don't feel espe-
             cially patriotic.

  The interference effects demonstrate how national  pride  (factor
  B2)  makes  it difficult to identify with social problems (state-
  ment a), how shame (factor B1) interferes with  the  capacity  of
  enjoy  opportunities which the country affords (statement b), and
  how apathy (B3) undermines both concern (B1) and patriotism (B2).
  These  are  conflicting  feelings  in  Ms.  B,   each   being   a
  potentiality in her, and each, like Schrodinger's cat, lying in a
  vague  probabilistic  state until measured or evoked by other na-
  tural events in the social field.(6)
      It  is  unnecessary to delve into the particulars of the case
  representing factor C, except to say that the same conditions  of
  instruction  produced  three factors, to match the two from A and
  the four from B -- the lesson being that the  number  of  factors
  emitting from a single individual is uncertain and unpredictable.


                         Concluding Remarks

  William  Stephenson  invented  Q  methodology  in 1935, and quite
  early announced his intent "to bring the method of  physics  into
  the  realm  of personality measurement" (Stephenson, 1936).  As a
  physicist (Ph.D. 1926,  Durham  University)  and  a  psychologist
  (Ph.D.  1929,  University of London), he was uniquely equipped to
  succeed.  In his writings, he said very little about quantum the-
  ory until the 1980s, but there is  ample  evidence  that  he  was
  aware of the implications at least as early as the late 1930s: in
  the  interim,  he has said, it was necessary to carry out the re-
  quired experiments so that evidence could replace "the  mere  ex-
  pression  of  theoretical  possibilities"  (Stephenson,  1981, p.
  132).
      The  number of experiments on human subjectivity now run into
  the hundreds, and a fair number of them have  been  performed  at
  the  individual  level  where  quantum  effects most clearly show
  themselves.  Q methodology therefore stands poised to  perform  a
  role  which  no  other  procedure  is in a position to provide --
  i.e., to advance a quantum  science  of  human  behavior:  it  is
  therefore  positioned  to realize Bohr's (1950) belief that there
  are only two sciences: physics and psychology.


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  Notes

     Read  at a meeting of the International Society for the Scien-
  tific Study of Subjectivity, University of Missouri-Columbia, Oc-
  tober 22-24, 1992.

  1   The  ideological  character  of  the discourse is apparent in
      Devereux's (1980) claim that it was Freud who introduced  the
      idea  of complementarity in the truly scientific sense, hence
      anticipating Bohr.

  2   Oral (trust vs. mistrust), anal (autonomy  vs. shame, doubt),
      Oedipal  (initiative  vs. guilt), latency (industry vs. infe-
      riority), and adolescence (identity vs. diffusion).

  3   The  situation is quite different with respect to substantive
      thought, which is best  exemplified  by  conventional  rating
      scales.   In these latter cases, a concept or category (e.g.,
      Intelligence, Liberalism-Conservatism) is known  in  advance,
      and  elements  are introduced which are manifestations of it;
      new meanings and understandings are therefore  ruled  out  by
      definition,   and   consequently   are  not  equipossible  or
      equipotential.

  4   The concept of specious present is attributable to James Ward
      (1920, pp. 209ff), but is also in Harold Lasswell (1963), who
      notes that "A distinguishing mark of subjective events ... is
      referentiality, that is, referring in the present  to  events
      that  may  be  at a distance in time-space..." (p. 221); and,
      citing Lord Lindemann, that "the subjective event  of  refer-
      ence,  by  bringing  models  of  the past and future into the
      present, enlarges the context in regard to which behavior ...
      occurs" (p. 236).

  5   What distinguishes R from Q as methodologies is not  the  use
      of  R  or Q factor analysis, but the measurement of objective
      vs. subjective phenomena.  Indeed, once this was pointed out,
      Miller (1985) acknowledged that his approach "does not corre-
      spond to Stephenson's....  We analyzed  objective  character-
      istics   of  organizations....    In  contrast,  Stephenson's
      approach represents a method for studying  subjectivity"  (p.
      70).

  6   "Schrodinger's cat" was a thought  experiment  initially  in-
      vented  to  counter the implications of Bohr's theory -- that
      subatomic particles remained in  an  undefined  probabilistic
      state until observed (measured).  A photon may go through one
      slit  in  a two-slit experiment, or through the other; if the
      one, the cat lives; if the other, it dies.  Einstein believed
      the cat's status (alive or dead) to exist independent of  the
      observer;  the  Copenhagen Interpretation, which won this de-
      bate, maintains that the cat exists in a  nebulous  state  of
      neither dead nor alive until it is observed, at which time it
      is  immediately  one or the other with probability 1.00.  For
      details,  consult  Rae  (1986)  and  Brush  (1980);  the   Q-
      methodological implications are covered by Stephenson (1987).