THE SUBJECTIVE SIDE OF ENTERPRISE:

           Organizational Dimensions and Decision Structures



                            Steven R. Brown
                         Kent State University


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    Presented at a panel on "Intensive Methods for the Policy Sci-
    ences," Fifth Policy Sciences Summer Institute and Association
    for Public Policy Analysis and Management, University of Texas
    at Austin, October 30-November 1, 1986.
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                  Aspects of Harold Lasswell's Science

Harold Lasswell's Psychopathology and Politics (1930/1986) is best re-
membered for its contribution to the psychology of politics--which it
mainly is not--but its primary thrust is methodological in the broadest
sense (Note 1), and very much in tune with twentieth century develop-
ments.  It is, first and foremost, perspectival in nature:  "...every
fact is defined from the point of view of an observer, and...the problem
is to specify as definitely as possible the angle of observation of the
recorder" (p.  238).  Second, it is functional-operational:  We associ-
ate "statesman" with a specific institutional setting (government), for
example, but from a functional standpoint many "business men" are as
concerned as statesmen with the public good.  This is a reminder to
stick close to operations rather than to logical categories, and
Lasswell cites P.W. Bridgman in this regard (p. 251n).  Third, it is
contextual in orientation:  "The task of the hour is the development of
a realistic analysis of the political in relation to the social process"
(p. 46).  Like everything else, politics occurs in a field, in this case
a social field.  Fourth, it is interbehavioral in the sense that meas-
urement includes an account of "the history of the relations of the
rater and the rated" (p. 238).  In sum, the Psychopathology has Einstein
written all over it, almost as indelibly as Freud.
    And this is even more the case in Lasswell's writings three decades
later.  Aside from "awareness," as he says in his The Future of Poli-
tical Science (Lasswell, 1964), "a distinguishing mark of subjective
events...is referentiality" (p. 221).  In this latter work, Lasswell
suggests a cosmic role for subjectivity when he invites us to suppose
that the universe of events "is an expression of one fundamental energy
which we shall designate 'duration'" (p. 222) and which is destined to
become void.  How might we interfere with this eventuality, he asks, so
as to avert or at least postpone it?  One possible solution would be to
divide duration against itself, and the circuiting of events through the
subjectivities of higher forms of life is a means toward this achieve-
ment; i.e., human problem solving guides the processes of evolution,
thereby permitting one part of nature (subjectivity) to guide the re-
mainder in an effort to defer dissipation into entropic voidness.  In
this way, the clarification of goals and the invention of alternatives
through specification of trends, conditions, and projections are every
bit as consequential as the most recent "artificial" satellite.  Each is
an example of the purposive tampering with time, with "decision struc-
tures" serving to trap duration energies for more effective void-
deferring integrations.
    Stephenson (in press) notes that Lasswell was relying in part on
Lord Lindemann's (1932) discussion of quantum theory, and that
Lasswell's decision structures are equivalent to the operant factors of
Q methodology, which is also quantum-theoretical at its foundations
(Stephenson, 1983).  Q factors are indeterminant, their number and na-
ture being unspecifiable in advance; moreover, they represent complemen-
tary states of subjectivity which are comparable to the complementary
energy states of physics.  Self referentiality could therefore have been
as profound for Lasswell, according to Stephenson, as it is for Q meth-
odology; i.e., within a quantum-theoretical framework.


                 Subjective Dimensions of Organization:
                         Variables vs. Operants

The preceding can perhaps be clarified somewhat by contrasting it with
Miller and Friesen's (1984) quantum view, that in organizations "there
are integral interdependencies among many variables" (p. 266), and that
these variable configurations are predictively useful.  Miller and
Friesen utilize Q factor analysis (cf. Miller, 1978), but with respect
to variable configurations and predictability; their reference to quan-
tum theory is therefore analogical only, for the quantum domain is char-
acterized by its indeterminacy, not its predictability; nor is it
concerned with variables, but with states.  Burt (1958), too, was im-
pressed by the "many striking analogies" between factor analysis and
microphysics (Note 2), but like Miller and Friesen, he thought in terms
of variable patterns; i.e., in terms of entities with known character-
istics and pre-established meanings rather than in terms akin to states
of matter and energy.  Miller and Friesen, no less than Burt, are inter-
ested in variables in states. In Q methodology, by way of contrast,
"mind" and subjectivity (rather than variables) are involved, and the
indeterminant Q factors which emerge are measures of the state of the
system.  Moreover, meaning in Q does not precede behavior; rather, as is
the case in quantum physics, meaning and measurement are inextricably
intertwined, the former only emerging in the course of the latter.


Power, Skill, and Affection

    For illustrative purposes, consider the case of an emergency ser-
vices department (primarily a crisis phoneline) in a county mental
health center and the organizational turmoil its members were experienc-
ing consequent upon the evolution of its mission and the
professionalization of its service delivery (Note 3).  Depth interviews
with paraprofessional volunteers concerning their personal needs in and
perceptions of the organization, the impact of changes, and work experi-
ences netted a variety of comments such as the following:

    o   My sense of ownership in the organization is in terms of the
        work we do in the phoneroom, not in the organization itself.

    o   Townhall is a business now primarily.  A sense of community
        has been sacrificed for efficiency.

    o   It's not the changes so much--most of the changes I'd proba-
        bly be in favor of anyway.  It's the way the changes have
        been brought about.  I don't like the idea of change being
        imposed.

This collection of statements, numbering in the hundreds, is referred to
as a concourse.  These are the self-referential particles of thought to
which meaning accretes during the process of measurement (Note 4), and
the factors which emerge refer to the "states of mind" existent in the
agency at the time the appraisal was undertaken.
    Of the 28 Q sorts obtained, factor analysis revealed three distinct
responses.  Factor scores indicated factor I to represent a highly posi-
tive attitude, as the following two statements illustrate (scores in
brackets are for factors I, II, and III, respectively):

    [+5 -4 -1]  The growth I've received through training and work-
    ing here has been very important in my own personal development,
    and even talking to people on the phones has been secondary.
    The most important thing has been working with other people.

    [+4 -4 -3]  I've never felt uneasy about whomever I've had to
    work with in the phoneroom.  There seems to be an instant bond
    among workers:  I always feel comfortable there.

Factor I is "the family group" in the sense that persons affiliated with
this factor identify with and extend affection to others in the agency,
and are quick to adopt and defend the agency ideology.  Behaviorally,
individuals in this group volunteer more hours per week than do partic-
ipants in II and III.

    Factor II, by way of contrast, is wedded to the task of the agency
rather than to the agency itself, or even to fellow volunteers, and this
lack of attachment to other workers appears to be accompanied by a sense
of personal uncertainty:

    [-4 +5 -3]  I feel I was well trained, but I still feel nervous
    when I go in to answer the phones.  So skillswise, I think I'm
    well prepared, but my confidence is still lagging.

    [-2 +3 -2]  My sense of ownership in the organization is in
    terms of the work we do in the phoneroom, not in the organiza-
    tion itself.

These are the "Samaritans" who are in the organization for whatever good
they can do, and who, unlike factor I, are otherwise only mildly inter-
ested in the agency per se.  Factor II is composed almost exclusively of
recently trained volunteers, hence the uncertainty regarding their de-
gree of skills mastery.  They are also older than those in factor I,
with family and professional obligations to attend to, which helps ac-
count for their lesser attachment to the agency.  For factor II, volun-
teering at the crisis center is an interlude in an otherwise busy week;
for factor I, volunteering is an integral part of life.
    Persons comprising factor III are the most critical about recent
changes in the agency, and, more than persons affiliated with factors I
or II, appear to blame the administration:

    [ 0 -2 +5]  It's not the changes so much--most of the changes
    I'd probably be in favor of anyway.  It's the way the changes
    have been brought about.  I don't like the idea of change being
    imposed.

    [-1 -1 +4]  The administrators are very willing to listen to
    problems and complaints, but listening and doing something about
    it are two different things.

Elsewhere in the factor array, factor III complains that the volunteers
have lost their centrality in the agency, and have been replaced by paid
staff, bureaucratic forms, and other organizational details.  At the
same time, these persons experience the greatest distance from fellow
workers:

    [+4 +2 -3]  I've always found it easier to talk about certain
    things in the phoneroom.  The fact that someone is allowed in
    that room has always meant to me that I can trust that person
    more than if I'd met that same person outside.

    [-3 +3 +5]  I've never really gotten into the kind of Townhall
    activities stuff.  That's not why I'm here.  Some people may be
    here to meet other people, but that's not one of my needs.

    The Loyalists, Samaritans, and Critics, as well as their combina-
tions, represent not only different perspectives on the organization,
but different feelings as well (Note 5).  The Loyal volunteer, for exam-
ple, has a feeling of comraderie which leads to--actually, is probably a
consequence of--the willing and rapid internalization of the organiza-
tional ideology based on an identification with other volunteers, and it
is this feeling of loyalty (or affection, in Lasswellian terms) that
factor I represents.  Loyalty in this case is not a variable in the
sense of a concept whose meaning and properties are known a priori, but
the state of mind of the persons who comprise factor I and whose Q-
sorting behavior produced the factor scores reported above.  It is
therefore purely operational in nature, yet of the highest importance in
an organization--or group or culture for that matter.  In the instant
case, it serves to account for why, two years after the above study, a
greater proportion of factor I persons remained active in the agency
than was the case for factors II and III (chi square(1)=5.84, p<.05).
It also helps explain the greater sense of skill mastery claimed by fac-
tor I (supra):  Given the security which friendships engender, persons
in factor I are in the best position to risk experimenting with those
interpersonal strategies which lead to skill acquisition--hence the con-
nection in this context of affection to skill, and, ultimately, of both
of these to power, as persons with alternative feelings and skills de-
part, leaving factor I in charge.  Finally, the feeling of loyalty in
factor I, and the ideology which it promotes, also accounts for the ac-
rimony which surfaces when change is introduced:  Change typically in-
volves a certain changing of the guard as some are promoted and others
not in order to fill vacant slots, and the promotion of former equals
not only creates guilt among winners but also resentment among losers in
organizations in which affection (rather than, say, fear or strength) is
the glue primarily responsible for holding things together.


Decision Structures

    Lasswell's claim for decision, as alluded to previously, was of cos-
mic proportions, but the operant character of decision structures as
found within organizations can be illustrated more modestly.  The "prob-
lem" in this case was posed to members of a university department of
political science:  "What steps might be taken to improve the graduate
program in our department?"  Responses were systematically generated
through the use of nominal groups, and 58 viable suggestions were se-
lected.  Q sorts from 35 graduates and faculty resulted in seven fac-
tors, of which only four will be briefly described.
    The first factor revealed a professional, discipline-centered
stance, with policy recommendations such as the following gaining high
factor scores:

    o   Make efforts to attract more graduate students who obtained
        their undergraduate degrees elsewhere.

    o   Provide more in-depth courses, as a balance against the more
        generalized survey courses.

    o   Place more pressure on the faculty to do research and to
        publish.

Whereas the first factor was comprised wholly of U.S. students and fac-
ulty, the second was comprised of only international students, primarily
from socialist countries in the third world.  Their recommendations for
curricular and programmatic reform are therefore not surprising:

    o   Increase the number of theory courses to include Marxist,
        Maoist, East European, and other ideas not currently in the
        "mainstream."

    o   Recruit faculty with different orientations--e.g., Marxists,
        who could balance the Department's interpretation of phenom-
        ena.

The third factor seemed less concerned with content than with rules and
regulations, and with obtaining an institutional map that would enable
them to navigate the treacherous academic waters.  These persons there-
fore reserved their highest positive scores for policy recommendations
such as the following:  "Establish a rule or procedure whereby faculty
are required to specify clearly and precisely the criteria for grading"
and "Develop and distribute an 'oral examination preparation guide' so
that both M.A. and Ph.D. students have a better idea of what is ex-
pected."  Finally, the fourth group, comprised of master's students with
an urban policy/American politics thrust, was interested in gaining more
time for major interests and in lessening ties to broader disciplinary
concerns, viz.:  "Incorporate policy-related courses into the program--
e.g., like the courses offered in the Urban Center," "Permit students to
take more courses in their areas of concentration," and "Do away with
universal requirements--i.e., allow students to design their own re-
quirements and courses of study in light of their individual vocational
objectives."
    Such fragmentation is hardly surprising, for it is increasingly
characteristic of political science as it has become of other fields,
and it was partly in response to this "fractionalizing effect of modern
specialization" (Lasswell, 1964, p. 209) that the policy sciences ap-
proach was innovated.  The challenge to leadership, whether of this one
small department or on a global scale, is to locate and mobilize pru-
dence (Merriam, 1925; Lindblom, 1974), and it is a virtue of these deci-
sion structures that they point the way.
    Actors within institutions seek to maximize gratifying outcomes--
i.e., to maximize net value indulgences (gross indulgences minus depri-
vations) (Lasswell & Holmberg, 1969)--and the following factor scores
can assist the decision maker seeking the most prudential way in which
to maximize satisfactions in a multivalued situation (scores in brackets
are for the first through fourth factors, respectively):

    [+4 -3 +1 +2]  Encourage interdisciplinary work and increase the
    availability of course work and research opportunities across
    department lines.

    [-1 +2 +2 +4]  Incorporate policy-related courses into the
    program--e.g., like the courses offered in the Urban Center.

    [+2 +3 -1 +3]  Expand some courses to two quarters in length--
    i.e., to run continuously over a longer period of time so as to
    permit a more thorough coverage of some materials and ideas.

Restricting consideration to these alternatives only, persons comprising
the first factor can be seen as benefiting by +6 units (gross
indulgence) with but a single unit of deprivation, for a net total of
+5; overall, the four factors would achieve a composite net gain of +18
were all three proposals adopted.  The mathematics are not intended to
be taken too concretely (any more than is Lasswell's formulation of
indulgences minus deprivations), but to serve as a visual aid picturing
the structure of subjectivity pertinent to obstacles with which the de-
cision maker must contend.


                  Subjectivity and the Policy Sciences

There is, as Ascher (1986) has pointed out, a convergence involving the
policy sciences and the science of subjectivity, and it is important in
this regard to recall that Lasswell (1980), in one of his posthumous pa-
pers, referred approvingly to "short interview procedures" such as Q,
and noted, as if to encourage, that "these methods can be applied in a
global network to intensify the understanding of the results obtained
from conventional...research" (p. 533).  We can feel relatively certain
that Lasswell would have endorsed much of what has been said previously,
in spirit if not in detail, for he was in touch with the leading edge of
scientific advances and gave pride of place to human subjectivity.  Only
subjectivity brings the past and future into the present, but just as it
is capable of selectively intervening so as to delay duration's inevita-
ble march to the entropic sea, so is it also capable of becoming en-
trapped in destructive configurations, such as the present East-West
conflict, which, frozen in time, "may nullify the potential for order by
blocking integration within the inclusive context of interaction"
(Lasswell, 1964, p. 237).
    The task is therefore more complicated and more urgent than looking
for configurations among variables, that tired and lumbering strategy
which Miller and Friesen (1984) have endeavored to dress up in
quantumized homespun, but which parades as nakedly Newtonian as the
strategies it claims to displace.  The real task is nothing less than
the continuation of Lasswell's career-long quest for the free man's com-
monwealth, which will be recognized ultimately by the quality of
subjectivity supporting it, which will, in turn, be discovered, exam-
ined, and monitored by evolving technologies which cannot stray too far
from that demonstrated above.


                                 Notes

    1.  As he said in the "Afterthoughts" to the 1960 edition (reprinted
in 1986), "The Psychopathology was the outcome of an attempt to apply
and adapt a procedure rather than to propose a formally exhaustive body
of applications of a comprehensive system of theory....  I was more im-
pressed by the observational procedures innovated by Freud than by the
theory or its then available results" (p. 274).

    2.  The similarities are indeed in "astonishingly close parallel,"
as Burt (1940, p. 92) earlier said, sharing such common terms as
eigenvalues, eigenvectors, and so forth.  As he went on to note, these
common ideas developed independently in both psychology and physics,
largely because "the material world and the mental world are...very much
akin in their ultimate nature, and so yield to the same mode of analy-
sis: both being essentially describable in terms of relations between
unknown relata" (Burt, 1940, p. 93).

    3.  The organization, called "Townhall II," is a comprehensive,
countywide mental health agency in Kent, Ohio, a university town in
Ohio's industrial northeast.  Born in the tumultuous social climate of
the late 1960s and early '70s, TH2 faced the economic realities of the
'80s by expanding services (so as to take advantage of a wider base of
grant opportunities) and by identifying with human needs beyond those
prevalent in the youth and drug culture.  The self assessment of the
crisis-hotline service was prompted by resignations and widespread dis-
affection among volunteers disapproving of changing agency policies and
practices.  This study was conducted in cooperation with Richard Henline
and will be reported in more detail subsequently.

    4.  Measurement consists of Q sorting a sample of statements; i.e.,
in this case, rank ordering a set of 48 statements from agree (+5) to
disagree (-5).  The statements were selected to balance Myth (ideology,
utopia), Symbols (demand, identification, expectation), and Values (wel-
fare, deference).  For previous agency assessments using Q technique,
consult Eisenthal (1973) and Thrush (1957).  On Q methodology more gen-
erally, see Brown (1980, 1986).

    5.  Several participants were significantly associated with more
than one factor, and consequently were of two minds concerning the or-
ganization (e.g., Loyal plus Samaritan, or Loyal plus Critical).  This
attests to the complimentarity at issue:  In particular, those of two
minds are apt to vacillate--reacting at times loyally and at times
critically--depending on issue and mood among other forces in the field.


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